Prof Ursula van Beek is the founding director of the Centre for Research on Democracy (CREDO) at SU’s Department of Political Science. She was born in Poland where she obtained a master’s degree in history. She emigrated to Zambia where she completed her PhD at UNISA. She moved to South Africa and started her academic career after securing a research grant from the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) for a project comparing South Africa and Poland in transition, which led to a series of six books on democracy which she co-authored and edited. Van Beek is the author of numerous journal articles.       

What is democracy?
Before addressing the topic more concretely, it is worth reminding ourselves that democracy is a complex institutional-political framework that is continuously evolving. Often described as a “permanent state of becoming”, it is shaped by national histories as well as contemporary global developments. Democracy – from the Greek demos (people) and kratos (power) – is a demanding political system that requires knowledgeable and engaged citizens if it is to function effectively.

What do you see as the most significant threats to democracy today?
Internationally, one of the most damaging developments has been the return of Donald Trump to the US presidency. The fallout has been symbolic, economic and political.

Symbolically, for nearly 250 years the United States stood as a beacon of freedom and liberty, supporting the development of democratic states and a rules-based international order grounded in human rights and international law. Even if Trump’s presidency proves temporary, a return to that US-led order is unlikely and, given today’s multipolar realities, not necessarily desirable. A fundamental rethinking is required.

Economically, global commerce has been severely disrupted – initially through punitive tariffs imposed by the US, and more recently through geopolitical conflict affecting key trade routes such as the Strait of Hormuz. These disruptions weaken democracy’s legitimacy, as voters tend to punish governments for economic hardship, even when these conditions lie beyond the government’s control. This creates fertile ground for populist leaders who offer simplistic and often unrealistic solutions to complex problems.

Politically, there has been a shift from promoting democracy to supporting right-wing leaders through actions that undermine national sovereignty. Examples include US involvement in political developments in Argentina, Venezuela and Hungary. Such actions weaken democratic norms and embolden illiberal leadership globally.

South Africa’s democracy is inevitably affected by this global turbulence, yet it has shown resilience despite being singled out for criticism by the Trump administration on unsubstantiated claims.

Domestically, however, two pressing challenges remain. The first is corruption and poor governance, which contribute to unemployment, persistent inequality, inadequate service delivery and high levels of crime. The second is an electoral system that weakens accountability, as representatives are more answerable to political parties than to citizens, leaving voters feeling marginalised.

What happens when that trust erodes, and how can it be rebuilt in polarised and unequal societies?
When trust in leaders and institutions declines, citizens disengage from the democratic process. This disengagement reflects frustration and a growing belief that individual voices no longer matter. In South Africa, this is evident in declining voter turnout: from nearly 90% participation in 1994 to about 41% of eligible voters casting ballots in 2024.

Even in more equal societies, such a decline would be concerning; in South Africa, it is alarming. Rebuilding trust requires visible and effective action on key societal challenges. Only when citizens experience tangible improvements in living conditions will participation be revitalised.

Young people are often described as disengaged from formal politics, yet active in social movements. How do you interpret this?
Young people who withdraw from formal democratic processes while engaging in social movements are sending a clear message: They perceive democracy as failing them. Instead, they express frustration through more direct forms of participation, such as protest action.

This phenomenon may partly reflect a lack of lived experience of the struggle for democracy, but it is most strongly linked to high youth unemployment. This erodes hope and contributes to a sense of exclusion from the system.

How can technology and social media be harnessed to advance democracy rather than undermine it?
Digital technology is already widely used by educational and civil society initiatives that promote democratic values. However, what is lacking is structured collaboration with the educational system. There is a pressing need to integrate civic education into primary and secondary school curricula.

Unless young people understand the value of democracy and how it serves their interests, they are unlikely to engage with it meaningfully. In this regard, initiatives such as CREDO offer practical support through accessible educational resources for teachers. 

What gives you hope for the future of democracy?
Democratic innovations offer potential solutions to the current crisis. One promising example is the use of citizens’ assemblies, already implemented in several countries. These assemblies bring together randomly selected citizens to deliberate on public issues and develop recommendations for policymakers, guided by principles of inclusion, deliberation and influence.

In South Africa, CREDO is preparing to launch the country’s first citizens’ assembly in September 2026 – a development that signals a constructive path forward for deepening democratic participation

* This article forms part of a series highlighting academic perspectives on democracy. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Stellenbosch University. The University is committed to academic freedom and the open exchange of ideas.